{"id":872,"date":"2022-09-08T11:21:48","date_gmt":"2022-09-08T08:21:48","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/eurasialaw-journal.ru\/?p=872"},"modified":"2022-09-08T11:31:33","modified_gmt":"2022-09-08T08:31:33","slug":"the-mysterious-and-obvious-in-american-diplomacy","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/eurasialaw-journal.ru\/en\/the-mysterious-and-obvious-in-american-diplomacy.html","title":{"rendered":"The Mysterious and Obvious in American Diplomacy: From Monroe to Trump"},"content":{"rendered":"

The Mysterious and Obvious in American Diplomacy: From Monroe to Trump<\/h1>\r\n

By Insur Farkhutdinov<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\r\n

This book first published 2020
\r\nCambridge Scholars Publishing
\r\nLady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK
\r\nBritish Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
\r\nA catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
\r\nCopyright \u00a9 2020 by Insur Farkhutdinov
\r\nAll rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner.
\r\nISBN (10): 1-5275-5437-6
\r\nISBN (13): 978-1-5275-5437-5
\r\nTo my Mother and all the Mothers of the World, who survived the nightmare and hard times of World War II, as well as subsequent local wars, in the name of their countries and peoples.<\/p>\r\n

CONTENTS<\/strong>
\r\nIntroduction …………………………………………………………………………………… 1
\r\nPart I. The Monroe Doctrine as the Cornerstone of Pax Americana<\/strong>
\r\nChapter One …………………………………………………………………………………… 6
\r\nThe Monroe Doctrine and the Doctrine of Preventive Military Strikes:
\r\nMethodological Rationale
\r\n1.1. Ecumene: Hemispheric imaginings in international law
\r\n1.2. The Monroe Doctrine: from Pax Britannica <\/em>to Pax Americana<\/em>
\r\n1.3. Methodology and the basic concepts in the field
\r\n1.4. Who created the Monroe Doctrine?
\r\nChapter Two ………………………………………………………………………………… 36
\r\nTrump\u2019s Preemptive Strike: A New World War for a New Century?
\r\n2.1. International law and a new international order
\r\n2.2. International security in contemporary international law
\r\n2.3. Self\u2013defense as an instrument for Pax Americana<\/em>
\r\nChapter Three ………………………………………………………………………………. 56
\r\nThe Monroe Doctrine as the Cornerstone of Pax Americana
\r\n3.1. The Monroe Doctrine: a two-century cornerstone of US foreign
\r\npolicy
\r\n3.2. The Monroe Doctrine of 1823 as a precedent for the international
\r\nlegal principle of a Large Space: history and modernity
\r\n3.3. The role of the president’s message in the evolution of US
\r\ndiplomacy
\r\n3.4. The Monroe Principles as the first official US foreign
\r\npolicy concepts Contents viii
\r\nPart II. <\/strong>The Origins and Development of the Monroe Doctrine<\/strong>
\r\nChapter Four ………………………………………………………………………………… 72
\r\nThe Monroe Doctrine\u2019s Isolationism and the Development
\r\nof George Washington\u2019s 1796 Farewell Address
\r\n4.1. The conflict of interest between the Old and New World: the
\r\ngnoseological roots of the Monroe Doctrine
\r\n4.2. The US\u2019s Proclamation of Neutrality (April 22, 1793)
\r\n4.3. Washington\u2019s Farewell Address to the Nation (September 19,
\r\n1796)
\r\n4.4. The \u201cFirst Context\u201d of the Monroe Principles in the first quarter
\r\nof the 19th century
\r\nChapter Five ………………………………………………………………………………… 87
\r\nJames Monroe and Simon Bolivar: Confrontation in Latin America
\r\n5.1. Bolivar and Monroe: different views on the fate of Latin America
\r\n5.2. Was there a threat of invasion from the Holy Alliance in Latin
\r\nAmerica?
\r\n5.3. How the Monroe Doctrine was created
\r\nChapter Six ………………………………………………………………………………… 110
\r\nThe Formation of the Monroe Principles
\r\n6.1. America for the Americans
\r\n6.2. The principle of non-colonization
\r\n6.3. The division of the world into European and American systems
\r\n6.4. The combined policy system
\r\n6.5. The role of the Monroe Doctrine in the genesis of the American
\r\nsystem
\r\nChapter Seven …………………………………………………………………………….. 125
\r\nExpulsion of Russia from Russian America and the Monroe Doctrine
\r\n7.1. The principle of non-colonization of the Monroe Doctrine
\r\nagainst Russia
\r\n7.2. The 1821 Bering decree by Alexander I
\r\n7.3. The Russian-American Convention on the Determination
\r\nof the Limits of Possessions in North America
\r\n7.4. Why was Russian America sold?
\r\nThe Mysterious and Obvious in American Diplomacy:
\r\nFrom Monroe to Trump
\r\nix
\r\nChapter Eight …………………………………………………………………………….. 139
\r\nThe Monroe Doctrine as an Ideology of Conquering the Large Space
\r\nin the Americas
\r\n8.1. What were the consequences of the Monroe Principles?
\r\n8.2. The Congress of Panama of 1826: the Liberator\u2019s last dream
\r\n8.3. The formation of Monroeism through the Monroe Principles
\r\n8.4. President James Polk: The Monroe Principles 20 years on
\r\n8.5. Pan-Americanism and Monroeism
\r\nPart III. Monroe Doctrine: From a Defense of Sovereignty to the<\/strong>
\r\nJustification of Imperialism<\/strong>
\r\nChapter Nine ………………………………………………………………………………. 160
\r\nThe Transformation of the Monroe Doctrine (1895\u20131945)
\r\n9.1. Olney’s doctrine and the American Large Space
\r\n9.2. The Platt Amendment: the first apogee of the Monroe Doctrine
\r\n9.3. Theodore Roosevelt\u2019s corollary for the Monroe Doctrine
\r\n9.4. Woodrow Wilson’s Doctrine as an unsuccessful attempt at the
\r\ninternational legal consolidation of the Monroe Doctrine
\r\n9.5. Franklin Roosevelt’s Doctrine: the New Deal and the policy
\r\nof isolationism
\r\nChapter Ten ……………………………………………………………………………….. 187
\r\nPan-American Redefinitions of the Monroe Doctrine and American
\r\nInternational Law
\r\n10.1. The Pan-Americanization of the Monroe Doctrine
\r\n10.2. The Latin American perspective: the Calvo and Drago Doctrines
\r\nChapter Eleven …………………………………………………………………………… 200
\r\nThe Monroe Doctrine and American Isolationism in the First Half
\r\nof the 20th Century
\r\n11.1. Isolationists and interventionists: different readings of the
\r\nMonroe Doctrine
\r\n11.2. American isolationism and the creation of the Versailles-
\r\nWashington system
\r\n11.3. Memorandum on the Monroe Doctrine by the US Senate (1930)
\r\n11.4. Franklin D. Roosevelt’s Doctrine: the Good Neighbor policy
\r\nas a return to the original meaning of the Monroe Doctrine
\r\n11.5. US Open Doors Policy: the opposite of the Monroe Doctrine
\r\nContents
\r\nx
\r\nChapter Twelve ………………………………………………………………………….. 224
\r\nThe Universalization of the Monroe Doctrine in the First Half of the 20th
\r\nCentury
\r\n12.1. The historical necessity of Monroe Doctrine\u2019s universalization
\r\n12.2. The universalization of the Monroe Doctrine in Latin America
\r\n(the Lansing Memorandum and the Lima Declaration)
\r\n12.3. The Japanese Monroe Doctrine (\u201cAsia Monroeshugi\u201d)
\r\n12.4. The British \u201cMonroe Doctrine\u201d
\r\n12.5. The Kellogg-Briand Pact (Paris Treaty) of 1928 on the Monroe
\r\nDoctrine
\r\n12.6. Large Space and the Reich in the context of the Monroe Doctrine
\r\nPart IV. The Evolution of the Monroe Doctrine: The Contemporary Stage<\/strong>
\r\nChapter Thirteen …………………………………………………………………………. 244
\r\nThe Further Evolution of the Monroe Doctrine in the Second Half
\r\nof the 20th Century
\r\n13.1. The Truman Doctrine: the first nuclear strike
\r\n13.2. The Eisenhower Doctrine: the preventive use of nuclear weapons
\r\n13.3. The Kennedy Doctrine: a flexible response
\r\n13.4. The Johnson Doctrine: the first preventive war in Vietnam
\r\n13.5. Nixon: the Guam Doctrine and the concept of sufficiency
\r\n13.6. Ford: the casual president without a doctrine
\r\n13.7. The Carter Doctrine: massive retribution
\r\n13.8. The Reagan Doctrine: a preventive nuclear strike
\r\n13.9. George Bush Sr.\u2019s Doctrine: the new world order
\r\n13.10. The Clinton Doctrine: preventive intervention
\r\nChapter Fourteen ………………………………………………………………………… 293
\r\nThe Bush Doctrine: Opposing Emerging Threats before they are Fully
\r\nFormed
\r\n14.1. The New American Century on a preventive military strike
\r\n14.2. Why did the events of September 11, 2001, change the course
\r\nof history?
\r\n14.3. The ideology of the Bush Doctrine in the anticipatory military
\r\nstrikes
\r\n14.4. Preventive strikes against rogue states
\r\n14.5. The destruction of Iraq on the edge of Bush\u2019s strategy
\r\nimplementation
\r\n14.6. Brzhezinsky as an active critic of Bush’s preemptive strike
\r\n14.7. The Obama Doctrine: from direct military domination to a more
\r\nskillful manipulation of the world
\r\nThe Mysterious and Obvious in American Diplomacy:
\r\nFrom Monroe to Trump
\r\nxi
\r\nPart V. The Monroe Doctrine\u2019s Effect on International Law<\/strong>
\r\nChapter Fifteen …………………………………………………………………………… 314
\r\nThe Practical Formation of the Preventive Military Intervention Doctrine
\r\n15.1. James Monroe as the pioneer of the American preventive military
\r\nstrike
\r\n15.2. Caroline: the precedent for the first military attack against the US
\r\n15.3. Who was preparing a preventive strike? Was it just Hitler, or was
\r\nit also Stalin?
\r\n15.4. Pearl Harbor, 1941: a preventive attack on Japan?
\r\n15.5. A preventive military attack on Egypt in 1967
\r\n15.6. Osirak: Israel\u2019s preemptive attack on Baghdad
\r\n15.7. A preventive attack by the US on Nicaragua
\r\n15.8. The US\u2019s preventive attack on oil platforms (Islamic Republic<\/em>
\r\nof Iran vs. the United States of America, 2003<\/em>)
\r\n15.9. The preemptive strike on Afghanistan and the international legal
\r\ninterpretations of September 11, 2001
\r\n15.10. Constructing a wall in occupied Palestinian territory
\r\nfor preventive self-defense
\r\nChapter Sixteen ………………………………………………………………………….. 355
\r\nThe Use of Force in the Face of Global Threats to International Security
\r\nin International Law
\r\n16.1. Preventive self-defense in the Charter Era (since 1945)
\r\n16.2. The use of force in the face of global threats to international
\r\nsecurity
\r\nChapter Seventeen ………………………………………………………………………. 373
\r\nThe US Doctrine of Preventive Military Strikes and International Law
\r\n17.1. Contemporary American concepts on the role of international law
\r\n17.2. The US doctrine of state sovereignty
\r\nPart VI. The Old and New World Nowadays: Global Security<\/strong>
\r\nProblems<\/strong>
\r\nChapter Eighteen ………………………………………………………………………… 384
\r\nThe Israeli Military Doctrine as the Source for the US Doctrine
\r\nof Preventive Military Strikes
\r\n18.1. The Israeli Military Doctrine in retrospect
\r\n18.2. The application prospects of the Israeli preventive nuclear strike
\r\nand international law
\r\n18.3. The avoidance or threat of as a principle of international law
\r\nContents
\r\nxii
\r\nChapter Nineteen ………………………………………………………………………… 396
\r\nThe Iranian Doctrine on Preventive Self-Defense and International Law
\r\n19.1. The role of Iran in Donald Trump\u2019s Middle Eastern politics
\r\n19.2. Preventive self-defense: The Iran-Israel nuclear confrontation
\r\nand international law
\r\n19.3. The American scenario of a preemptive strike against Iran
\r\nChapter Twenty ………………………………………………………………………….. 411
\r\nInternational Law on the Use of Military Force by the State against
\r\nNon-State Actors
\r\n20.1. The status of non-state actors in international law
\r\n20.2. Preventive self-defense against non-state actors
\r\n20.3. The international legal responsibility of the state regarding the
\r\nlocation of terrorist organizations
\r\n20.4. Preventive self-defense against terrorist groups: what is beyond
\r\nreason?
\r\nChapter Twenty-One …………………………………………………………………… 432
\r\nTrump\u2019s Return to the Origins of the Monroe Principles (\u201cAmerica for the
\r\nAmericans; Europe for the Europeans\u201d)
\r\n21.1. The 21st century old \u201cnew\u201d conflicts of interests between the Old
\r\nand New World in the context of the Monroe Doctrine
\r\n21.2. The first new watershed between Europe and America: the 2003
\r\nIraq invasion
\r\n21.3. Trump’s new world war based on trade
\r\n21.4. The European Security Strategy 2016
\r\n21.5. Does the EU need its own continental army?
\r\nChapter Twenty-Two …………………………………………………………………… 471
\r\nThe Monroe Doctrine and its Legacy in American Foreign Policy
\r\n22.1. Trump’s foreign policy: the rights of the Empire or the end
\r\nof the Empire?
\r\n22.2. Dollar diplomacy from William Tuft to Donald Trump
\r\n22.3. International law on the US\u2019s return to the law of war
\r\n22.4. Has the Monroe Doctrine died?
\r\nConclusion …………………………………………………………………………………. 501
\r\nBibliography ………………………………………………………………………………. 509<\/p>\r\n

\u00a0<\/p>\r\n

INTRODUCTION<\/h2>\r\n

\u201cIn the beginning was the word\u201d, the Bible says. These words were also said by the fifth President of the United States, John Quincy Adams, in his 1823 Address to the Nation and they fell on the fertile ground prepared by George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, and John Adams Sr., whose son John Quincy Adams became a pivotal player in establishing the Monroe principles.
\r\n
\r\n\u201cShe goes not abroad, in search of monsters to destroy\u201d: this aphorism by John Quincy Adams became the departure point for an entire strain of thought on American foreign policy. Adams\u2019 ideological opponents, such as Henry Clay, argued that the US, by distancing itself from revolutionary movements, missed an opportunity to move the world\u2019s political balance of forces in a progressive direction at a relatively low cost. Even today, it is interesting to follow the history of the dispute between John Quincy Adams and Henry Clay over the South American Revolutions. In contrast to Adams, Clay was a fierce supporter of the Latin American liberation movement and urged the US \u201cto countenance, by all means short of actual war\u201d the great cause of South American independence. This was largely because Americans\u2019 support of their southern brethren \u201cwould give additional tone, and hope, and confidence to the friends of Liberty throughout the world\u201d at a time of great crisis for the \u201crights of mankind.\u201d1 John Quincy Adams explained that he intended to first and foremost argue against European-style colonialism.
\r\n
\r\nFor most of American history, an isolationist tendency prevailed in its foreign policy. In its early years, it was a reflection of the American national interest in fortifying the new nation\u2019s independence. With the European continent torn apart by the great powers\u2019 (France, Great Britain, Austria, Germany and Russia, to name a few) rivalry, the American nation could develop at its own pace, without any major external threat.1<\/sup>
\r\n
\r\nIn short, the Monroe Doctrine, which was created almost two centuries ago, politically isolated American states from the influence of the great European powers. It called for an American hemispheric alliance against the \u2018Holy Alliance\u2019 of European monarchies. Quincy Adams\u2019 address clearly warned America against going abroad in search of monstrous regimes to destroy, but this did not at all mean that monsters should be given an entirely free hand or that America should stay totally passive.
\r\n
\r\nMy acquaintance with America began in early childhood when I read The Adventures of Tom Sawyer and Huckleberry Finn, which was followed by Fenimore Cooper\u2019s stories about dominant American Indians. Years later, I was walking the streets of big cities and small towns of America with great interest. I also spent time visiting country farms and noting some of the features and colors from previous times. Then, I began to learn the real American history, which was full of heroism and drama.
\r\n
\r\nI am ashamed to say that, back then, I was more aware of Marilyn Monroe\u2019s life than that of America\u2019s fifth president, James Monroe.
\r\n
\r\nA few years ago, while staying in a small historical town in the Russian Urals, after a trip to India, I became enlightened. \u201cFrom Monroe to Trump,\u201d I uttered. I could not help thinking about it. By that time, I had published many scholarly articles on American diplomacy, and my research pushed me toward the early history of the country. In my previous book, which was published in Moscow as The American Doctrine of Preventive Strikes from Monroe to Trump, I exposed my understanding of the apparent and hidden aspects of American diplomacy, which began with George Washington\u2019s 1796 \u201cFarewell Address\u201d and ended with the 45th US President, Donald Trump. This adventurous journey led me to the complicated history of the formation and development of US foreign policy. This was full of successes and failures, as well as the sometimes proud, and sometimes unpleasant, episodes of interference in other countries\u2019 affairs. The unreasonable politics of the leading countries during the Cold War had almost brought the world to the edge of a third World War.
\r\n
\r\nDo Americans want such a war? Do Russians want it? No, they do not and nor does any other nation on Earth.
\r\n
\r\nFinally, I am pleased to proceed to the most important part, which involves saying a few words about my colleagues and friends. The book was written in complicated circumstances. It is impossible to express the extent The Mysterious and Obvious in American Diplomacy: From Monroe to Trump 3 of my gratitude to all my friends and colleagues. I would first like to mention Stanislav Shuvanov and Galina Samokhvalova, who, as children, survived a Stalingrad that had been torn apart by Hitler\u2019s troops, and who were also the first exacting readers of my Russian-language articles and my book. Stanislav Shuvanov, a veteran of Russian Diplomacy Service and Professor of the Russian Academy of Geopolitical Problems, supported my research by sharing his deep thoughts on the destiny of the Latin American countries, even though there were some political disagreements between us. I would also like to mention my dear, long-term friend Rashid Batkhiev, who earned his PhD in Criminal Law at Moscow State University in the 1970s, and who is also an honorably retired Judge of the Russian Federation, who never left me in the most difficult periods of my life.
\r\n
\r\nProfessor Dmitriy Nechevin was born in wartime and taken out of Leningrad by the Red Army, as the Nazis had blocked the city; this made him a son of the regiment. He survived the Nazis at the front. He believes in justice and the idea that peace will eventually triumph in the world. His kind advice and fundamental knowledge of international relations, especially on the League of Nations, still fascinate me.
\r\n
\r\nI would also like to thank Doctor Andrei Ragulnin and his wife, Professor Indira, as well as my loyal friends from Bashkiria, which is where we were all born. Andrei, a friend of mine, and I set up the monthly Eurasian Law Journal, which is now in its eleventh year.
\r\n
\r\nI am also grateful to an MGIMO Masters of Law student, Tiran Parsamyan, for his practical advice during my work on this book. My friend Professor Sergei Burianov, who reviewed my previous book, also shared his knowledge with me. Without Oleg Rzhevskiy, some of the pages of this book would be missing.
\r\n
\r\nThis book would not be finished on time without the intellectual support of my nephew, Linar Farkhutdinov, who has a PhD in Philosophy and who has been loyal to the revolutionary ideas of Che Guevara since childhood. Guevara fought for the liberation of the Latin American peoples, which is also one of the topics of my book.
\r\n
\r\nMy beloved granddaughters Arina, Maria, Sofia, and grandson, Ruslan, who is purposeful, like the young \u201cVirginian Trio\u201d (Monroe, Adams, and Clay), in his dream of becoming the new Ronaldo in football, all patiently waited, together with their parents\u2013\u2013my best daughter Oksana and her 4 Introduction husband Ruslan\u2013\u2013 for their grandfather to finally finish his book. And my younger son Rivaz is no exception, as he provided the inspiration for this book when we stayed in India.
\r\n
\r\nFinally, this book has been written for the honorable press, Cambridge Scholars Publishing. I only ask the respected reader to think kindly on some of controversial thoughts they might find in this book, because they do not make up its essence.<\/p>\r\n

_________________________________________________________________<\/p>\r\n

1<\/sup> John Quincy Adams, An Address Delivered at the Request of a Commission of Citizens of Washington; on the Occasion of Reading the Declaration of Independence, on the Fourth of July, 1821 (Washington, DC: Davis and Force, 1821), 29.<\/p>

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